2016年3月21日
中共因任志强事件遭遇党内外激烈反弹
储百亮
http://dd7ze01uhpti7.cloudfront.net/article/91972e1f3bb5a8c1cd745ee332d9b911/
北京——当一位语言犀利的房地产大亨公开嘲笑习近平要求中国新闻媒体毫无保留地忠于共产党时，党的反应是可想而知的快速和严厉。
任志强有几千万粉丝的微博一夜之间被删除。党的网站对他发起猛攻，称这位大亨是资本主义的叛徒，这种语言让人想起毛泽东时代的整肃运动。当局誓言要进一步惩罚他。
然而，接下来发生的事情却与标准的脚本有惊人的偏离。
记者、学者和党内人士开始出面捍卫任志强。党的最高学府的一位教授大胆发声。一家著名杂志对审查者表示谴责。一封由国家通讯社工作人员签名的支持任志强的信在网上风传。一份党报对压制所有不同意见的风险发出了警告。
这些意想不到的反对意见给这里的政治舞台送来一股凉气，暴露出对吹捧习近平、以及他要求公众无条件地服从的日益强烈的不安。
"任志强事件是长时间以来一直压抑在系统内的感情的爆发，"北京商人和历史学家章立凡说。"我觉得很多人都感到厌烦了，他们觉得终于有人出来说话了。对攻击任志强的强烈反应超出了当局的预期。"
任志强成了包括北京当权派在内的越来越多的人，对无休止地要求遵守习近平各种禁令的不满的象征。
"这不只是任志强的问题"，北京的自由主义经济学家茅于轼在接受采访时说，茅于轼和仁志强是老朋友。"整个自由公共舆论的空间在缩小。这不是一个孤立的事件。"
任志强是一位直言不讳的北京房地产开发商，他有着神奇十足的自信，被人称为中国的唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)。
几年前他开始打算退休时，喜欢上了类似Twitter的微博，用这个平台来为房地产开发商受到的腐败指控辩护，还发表有关国家的直言不讳的看法。
任志强从来不是一个典型的自由主义者；他看不上那些1989年占领了天安门广场的人。但是，随着习近平掌控更大的权力，任志强的帖子也开始反映出他对政治转向专制的不断增长的恼火。
最近的这次小冲突始于上个月，当时习近平高调视察了党和国家的三个主要新闻机构，要求它们遵守一项新政策：他说，官媒必须"宣扬党的意志"、"维护党的权威"。
正当习近平沐浴在媒体对他的言论献媚报道之中时，任志强在自己拥有近3800万粉丝的新浪微博上发了几条粗鲁的评论，中国的微博相当于Twitter。
"人民政府啥时候改党政府了？"他在一条微博中写道。
"别用纳税人的钱去办不为纳税人提供服务的事，"他在另一条中写道。"人民已被抛弃到被遗忘的角落了。"
任志强现年65岁，直到他发表这些言论之前，曾经似乎至少部分地受到他在共产党内所拥有的精英地位的保护，他是一位担任过商务部副部长的老革命的儿子。随着邓小平的市场改革在20世纪80年代席卷中国，他下海经商，先是卖兔子皮毛，后来在房地产生意上发了大财。
他也是权力巨大的党内反腐大将王岐山的朋友，这一关系已激起人们对可能有更深层竞争在作怪的问题的兴趣。
王岐山是任志强初中时的政治指导员，仍"偶尔在夜里打电话过来"聊天，任志强在2013年出版的回忆录中这样写道。
但是这次，任志强的背景并没有为他提供保护。
国家互联网络信息办公室表示，任志强暗示党和人民可能并不是不可分离的说法已经触犯了法律，并下令关闭了他的微博账户。党的网站和报纸对他群起而攻之，党的官员说，他将面临进一步的处罚。
"任志强代表资本翻天派，"北京市委宣传部办的千龙网上的一篇评论说。
该网站上的另一篇评论暗示，任志强竟敢批评习近平，是因为他与王岐山及其他高级官员的关系。
（本文后续内容，敬请关注。）
储百亮(Chris Buckley)是《纽约时报》驻京记者。
Adam Wu对本文有研究贡献。
翻译：Cindy Hao
Chinese Tycoon Criticizes Leader, and Wins Surprising Support
中共因任志强事件遭遇党内外激烈反弹
BEIJING — When a sharp-tongued real estate tycoon publicly derided President Xi Jinping's demand for unstinting loyalty to the Communist Party from the Chinese news media, the party's response was predictably swift and harsh.
北京——当一位语言犀利的房地产大亨公开嘲笑习近平要求中国新闻媒体毫无保留地忠于共产党时，党的反应是可想而知的快速和严厉。
His microblogs, which had tens of millions of followers, were erased overnight. Party websites unleashed an onslaught, calling the tycoon, Ren Zhiqiang, a capitalist traitor in language reminiscent of the Mao-era purges. The authorities vowed further punishment.
任志强有几千万粉丝的微博一夜之间被删除。党的网站对他发起猛攻，称这位大亨是资本主义的叛徒，这种语言让人想起毛泽东时代的整肃运动。当局誓言要进一步惩罚他。
What happened next, however, was a startling departure from the standard script.
然而，接下来发生的事情却与标准的脚本有惊人的偏离。
Journalists, scholars and party insiders came forward to defend Mr. Ren. A professor at the party's top academy spoke up. A prominent magazine rebuked censors. A letter supporting him signed by a staff member at the state news agency spread online.A party newspaper warned about the risks of crushing all dissent.
记者、学者和党内人士开始出面捍卫任志强。党的最高学府的一位教授大胆发声。一家著名杂志对审查者表示谴责。一封由国家通讯社工作人员签名的支持任志强的信在网上风传。一份党报对压制所有不同意见的风险发出了警告。
The unexpected backlash sent a shiver through the political landscape here, exposing deepening unease about the adulatory promotion of Mr. Xi and his demands for unquestioning public obedience.
这些意想不到的反对意见给这里的政治舞台送来一股凉气，暴露出对吹捧习近平、以及他要求公众无条件地服从的日益强烈的不安。
"The Ren incident has been an eruption of feelings pent up inside the system for a long time," said Zhang Lifan, a Beijing businessman and historian. "I think a lot of people felt fed up, and they felt that finally somebody had spoken up. The backlash over the attacks on Ren Zhiqiang went beyond what the authorities expected."
"任志强事件是长时间以来一直压抑在系统内的感情的爆发，"北京商人和历史学家章立凡说。"我觉得很多人都感到厌烦了，他们觉得终于有人出来说话了。对攻击任志强的强烈反应超出了当局的预期。"
Mr. Ren has become a symbol of growing frustration, including inside the Beijing establishment, with the incessant demands for conformity to Mr. Xi's strictures.
任志强成了包括北京当权派在内的越来越多的人，对无休止地要求遵守习近平各种禁令的不满的象征。
"It's not just an issue of Ren Zhiqiang," Mao Yushi, a liberal economist in Beijing and a longtime friend of Mr. Ren's, said in an interview. "The whole space of free public opinion has contracted. It's not an isolated case."
"这不只是任志强的问题"，北京的自由主义经济学家茅于轼在接受采访时说，茅于轼和仁志强是老朋友。"整个自由公共舆论的空间在缩小。这不是一个孤立的事件。"
Mr. Ren, an outspoken Beijing property developer with swaggering self-assurance, has been called the Chinese Donald Trump.
任志强是一位直言不讳的北京房地产开发商，他有着神奇十足的自信，被人称为中国的唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)。
As he approached retirement a few years ago, he embraced Twitter-like microblogs to defend property developers from complaints of corruption and started posting blunt views about the country.
几年前他开始打算退休时，喜欢上了类似Twitter的微博，用这个平台来为房地产开发商受到的腐败指控辩护，还发表有关国家的直言不讳的看法。
Mr. Ren was never a typical liberal; he disdained the protesters who occupied Tiananmen Square in 1989. But as Mr. Xi amassed power, Mr. Ren's posts reflected growing irritation with the authoritarian turn in politics.
任志强从来不是一个典型的自由主义者；他看不上那些1989年占领了天安门广场的人。但是，随着习近平掌控更大的权力，任志强的帖子也开始反映出他对政治转向专制的不断增长的恼火。
The current skirmish began last month after Mr. Xi made highly publicized visits to the three main Communist Party and state news organizations to reinforce a new policy: State media must "speak for the party's will" and "protect the party's authority," he said.
最近的这次小冲突始于上个月，当时习近平高调视察了党和国家的三个主要新闻机构，要求它们遵守一项新政策：他说，官媒必须"宣扬党的意志"、"维护党的权威"。
As Mr. Xi bathed in the adoring news coverage of his pronouncements, Mr. Ren fired off a few gruff comments to his nearly 38 million followers on Sina.com Weibo, China's equivalent of Twitter.
正当习近平沐浴在媒体对他的言论献媚报道之中时，任志强在自己拥有近3800万粉丝的新浪微博上发了几条粗鲁的评论，中国的微博相当于Twitter。
"When did the people's government turn into the party's government?" he wrote in one post.
"人民政府啥时候改党政府了？"他在一条微博中写道。
"Don't use taxpayers' money to do stuff that doesn't provide services to the taxpayers," he wrote in another. "The people have been tossed into a forgotten corner."
"别用纳税人的钱去办不为纳税人提供服务的事，"他在另一条中写道。"人民已被抛弃到被遗忘的角落了。"
Until these remarks, Mr. Ren, 65, had seemed to be at least partly protected by his elite status in the Communist Party as the son of a senior revolutionary who became a vice minister of commerce. He went into business, first selling rabbit pelts, as Deng Xiaoping's market reforms were coursing through China in the 1980s, and he later built a fortune in real estate.
任志强现年65岁，直到他发表这些言论之前，曾经似乎至少部分地受到他在共产党内所拥有的精英地位的保护，他是一位担任过商务部副部长的老革命的儿子。随着邓小平的市场改革在20世纪80年代席卷中国，他下海经商，先是卖兔子皮毛，后来在房地产生意上发了大财。
He is also a friend of the party's powerful anticorruption chief, Wang Qishan, a relationship that has raised intriguing questions about the possibility of deeper rivalries at play.
他也是权力巨大的党内反腐大将王岐山的朋友，这一关系已激起人们对可能有更深层竞争在作怪的问题的兴趣。
Mr. Wang was Mr. Ren's political instructor in junior high school and still "occasionally calls late at night" to chat, Mr. Ren wrote in a 2013 memoir.
王岐山是任志强初中时的政治指导员，仍"偶尔在夜里打电话过来"聊天，任志强在2013年出版的回忆录中这样写道。
But this time, Mr. Ren's background offered no immunity.
但是这次，任志强的背景并没有为他提供保护。
The Cyberspace Administration office said he had broken the law by suggesting that the party and the people might not be inseparable, and it wiped out his microblog accounts. Party websites and newspapers heaped scorn on him, and party officials said he would face further punishment.
国家互联网络信息办公室表示，任志强暗示党和人民可能并不是不可分离的说法已经触犯了法律，并下令关闭了他的微博账户。党的网站和报纸对他群起而攻之，党的官员说，他将面临进一步的处罚。
"Ren Zhiqiang represents a capitalist overturn-the-heavens faction," said a commentary on Qianlong, a news website run by the Beijing city propaganda authorities.
"任志强代表资本翻天派，"北京市委宣传部办的千龙网上的一篇评论说。
Another commentary on the website hinted that Mr. Ren had the temerity to criticize Mr. Xi only because of Mr. Ren's ties to Mr. Wang or other senior officials.
该网站上的另一篇评论暗示，任志强竟敢批评习近平，是因为他与王岐山及其他高级官员的关系。
"We can't help asking where a party member, who can ignore the party constitution, finds the gall to brazenly oppose the party," it said. "This Ren Zhiqiang who likes to call leaders in the deep of the night, just who gave him the 'courage' to come forward and push over the wall?"
（本文后续内容，敬请关注。）
储百亮(Chris Buckley)是《纽约时报》驻京记者。
Adam Wu对本文有研究贡献。
翻译：Cindy Hao
http://cn.nytimes.com/china/20160321/c21chinaren/en-us/
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