八九年六四事件後,陳雲對鄧小平說:"江山是我們打下來的,繼承這個江山也應該是我們的後代。還是我們的孩子可靠,不會掘自己的祖墳。"他提出一個家庭至少出一個人,掌握大權。後來形成規矩,每個家庭都有個人安排做高乾,家裡的其他人下海斂財。中共中央組織部為此發過一個文件,正式成為官方政策。
【六中全會公報五任領導人並列】
【毛澤東強調功績隻字不提過錯】
新華社刊出六中全會公報,刊發了對五位領導人毛澤東、鄧小平、江澤民、胡錦濤、習近平的評價。
占最多字數的是記習近平,超過2千字,第二是毛澤東的951字,第三是胡錦濤有617字,其後是鄧小平的384字,江澤民占篇幅最少,只有284字。
【毛澤東強調功績隻字不提過錯】
新華社刊出六中全會公報,刊發了對五位領導人毛澤東、鄧小平、江澤民、胡錦濤、習近平的評價。
占最多字數的是記習近平,超過2千字,第二是毛澤東的951字,第三是胡錦濤有617字,其後是鄧小平的384字,江澤民占篇幅最少,只有284字。
China passes history resolution to enshrine open-ended rule of Xi Jinping
The decision to write a resolution on the "major achievements and historical experience" of the party's first 100 years makes Xi only the third leader after Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping to adjudicate on the past.
In official party lore, he now sits alongside the founding leader of the nation and the man often considered responsible for launching China's economic reforms as an architect of his own epoch, or, as Xi calls it, a "new era" in the evolution of the party.
The closed-door plenary session of the Central Committee was Xi's last significant opportunity to gather China's most senior 370-odd officials before they meet again late next year for a leadership reshuffle where Xi is expected to further tighten his grip on power.
The Central Committee's statement called that upcoming meeting "extremely important" because it would set an agenda for China through to the 100 year anniversary of the nation's founding in 2049.
"The plenum is about past achievements but it's really about the future," said Tony Saich, director of the Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation at Harvard University. "By tracing the continuity of the party over 100 years, it is used to show that it was inevitable for Xi to emerge at this time to be the 'core' of the party," he said.
Unlike his immediate predecessors, Xi is widely expected to stay in office for a third five-year term, if not longer, after China's rubber-stamp parliament scrapped presidential term limits in 2018, removing the only legal impediment to lifelong rule for Xi.
The new historical resolution, although lacking legal power to support Xi's continued leadership, is a way for him to ensure acceptance within a party that has never fully formalized a mechanism for succession, relying instead on an intricate system of backroom horse-trading and internal consultation to pick leaders.
"Succession has always been a problem and Xi is mindful of that," said Harvard's Saich. "This resolution is geared to say that the party desperately wants Xi to stay on, will plead with him to stay on, because he is the leader to take China forward."
Xi's ambition to remain in charge of China for the foreseeable future became apparent as early as 2017, when he announced that China had entered a "new era" of its development and added his personal ideology to the party charter, essentially entwining himself with a new national agenda until at least 2035.
At the time, observers of Chinese politics debated whether Xi might follow the playbook of earlier leaders like Jiang Zemin or Deng by relinquishing some of his responsibilities while handing off certain duties to a loyal lieutenant.
But the conspicuous absence of an appointed successor has undermined such theories in favor of predictions that he will retain all three roles as head of the military, party, and state.
Meanwhile, in the last year, Xi has launched a volley of ambitious policy initiatives seeking to remake vast swaths of Chinese society. He has targeted environmental degradation, bubbles in the property market and "excessive" wealth held by entrepreneurs in the name of delivering "common prosperity."
Xi often places himself front and center of these campaigns, many of which are carried out under the banner of his personal philosophy, known as "Xi Jinping thought for socialism with Chinese characteristics in a new era," or "Xi Jinping Thought" for short.
Ahead of this week's plenum, Chinese state media propaganda extolling Xi's virtues went into overdrive. One hagiography described a young Xi reading Karl Marx's "Das Kapital" three times, filling 18 notebooks with his thoughts. A string of tweets from the state-run Xinhua News Agency called him a "man of determination" and noted how he made time in his busy schedule for regular swims to "ensure that he has enough stamina to deal with affairs of the Party, government, and the military."
In another sign of Xi's elevated status, Thursday's plenum readout called his ideology "Marxism for the 21st Century" that captures the "essence" of Chinese culture.
Xi's approach to resolving issues of inequality is through a strong state that suppresses diversity of ideas in society in the name of strengthening China, said Kou Chien-Wen, a scholar of Chinese politics at the College of International Affairs at National Chengchi University in Taiwan.
Kou added that at stake for Xi is proving China's authoritarian model can outperform multiparty democracies in tackling social ills. "It is fundamentally about his belief that 'national rejuvenation' requires equality and that requires control of the people," he said.
Lyric Li in Seoul and Pei Lin Wu in Taipei, Taiwan, contributed to this report.
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